An Introduction To Rational Choice Theory Philosophy Essay

An Introduction To Rational Choice Theory Philosophy Essay Public administrative agencies have very distinctive styles of decision making often depending upon the type of leadership or organizational structure. The literature suggests the decision making process in the public administrative sphere involves more complexity, dynamism, intervention, and interruption than those in their private counterparts (Rainey, p. 160). Public administrators are primarily held accountable by the people they serve in their communities; therefore, utilizing the most logical, efficient style of decision making is sought out by public agencies. Decision-making issues are closely related to power issues, because power determines who gets to decide (Rainey, p.160). Bureaucracies have commonly used the Rational Choice Theory in their decision making processes. For the purposes of this assignment, the Rational Choice Theory has been chosen for examination. Through examining the four components of the Rational-Choice Theory Model, theorists have concluded that this style of decision making is not rational. This model has proved to be problematic because it is not realistic, too time consuming, too costly, and too strict. Theorists such as Herbert Simon opposed this style of decision making claiming that it leads to bounded rationality which ultimately leads to satisficing. Bounded Rationality and Satisfying are two public administrative terms that will be explained later on. Conducting an analysis of Rational-Choice Theory, one mainly encounters criticisms of the model in literature. In this article Stephan clarifies rationality by providing an explanation of the embedded assumptions in Rational-Choice Theory. The embedded assumptions of rationality are the central theme of this article. Quackenbushs central argument is that much of the criticism of rational choice theory is based on a basic misunderstanding of the assumption of instrumental rationality-which is, after all, the rationality of rational choice theory (Quackenbush, p. 2). In this article, the author has discusses the role of assumption in theory as well as the assumption of rationality in rational choice theory. The author utilizes empirical research from several theorists to explain how the debate and the criticisms have evolved with Rational-Choice Theory. Quackenbush strengthens his argument with a discussion regarding three applications of rational choice theory in international relations and demonstrates ways that rational choice theorists themselves have potentially added to confusion about the assumption of rationality (Quackenbush, p.2). Quackenbush presents research from political science theorists such as Donald Green and Ian Shapiro, and Walt Friedman regarding rational choice theory but makes it abundantly clear that this model has been debated in other areas of social sciences. Green and Shapiros research of rational choice was conducted in the realm of American politics. Green and Shapiro concluded their research with evidence illustrating the rational choice model had not advanced the empirical study of politics as it had initially promised. Walt conducted a review of several formal rational choice works in an attempt to demonstrate that they have yielded trivial results, have not been empirically tested, and that empirical tests, when used, have been constructed poorly (Quackenbush, p. 2). Quackenbush attempted to clarify the role of assumptions in rational choice theory. The empirical works of Green and Shapiro assisted Walt in proving that rational choice is not simply one theory but an approach to theory. An assessment of Quackenbushs article, generally stated, may be the fact that rational choice theory theorizes that individuals use rationality to make choices and that individual theories are more of a concern than the rational choice model itself. In exploratory rational choices record, Green and Shapiro paying attention entirely upon the extent to which theorists present empirical evidence about the outside of an event: that is evidence. Evidence, on this view, consists in a fit between the presumptions of rational choice theory and observed institutional or behavioral outcomes in any particular case. In what follows we will refer to empirical evidence of this sort as mortal external. However, we argue that rational choice is also conciliation by its failure to provide kind of empirical evidence, namely internal or interpretive evidence about the beliefs of the agents whose actions comprise the phenomena to be explained. Our distinction between external and internal evidence maps on to the well-known distinction between a behavioral and ultimately positivist conception of political science and a hermeneutic or interpretive one. Internals explanations do not claim access to private psychological states; they are internal only in the sense of being internal to the world of meanings inhabited by the actor. Monk-Hampsher and Hindmoors research does, however, assume the devils advocate role towards the end of the article demonstrating how the rational choice theory is valuable in circumstances in which interpretive evidence cannot be relied. Scholarly Themes The idea of this article is based on the concept that the rational choice theory misses the interpretive evidence and the research to find out the reality that the empirical research does play any role in the credibility of the rational choice theory. Green and Shapiro demonstrate that the largely achievements of rational choice theory are in fact profoundly suspect and that fundamental rethinking is needed if rational choice theorists are to supply to the indulgent of politics. Green and Shapiro show that empirical tests of rational choice theories are disfigured by a series of mechanical defects. These defects flow from the characteristic rational choice impulse to defend universal theories of politics. An individual assessment of Hindmoors book review may lead to the belief that Hindmoor seems to disagree with Green and Shapiros thoughts that rational choice theory has been heavily criticized because it is misunderstood. Hindmoor explains that Green and Shapiro theorize that the problem lies with rational choice theorists and rational choice models, not with actual rational choice theory. Hindmoor may find Green and Shapiros research to be contradictory but acknowledges the importance of their work which it has been powerfully stated in the literature generating significant controversy. The theme of this book is based on the factors of reliability, validity and empirical evidence of the Rational Choice Theory. In this article the major concerns are the study of the collective action, the behavior and attitude of political parties politicians and phenomenon of voting cycles and the Prisoners problems. It has also been evaluated in this article that if rational choice theories are to contribute to the understanding of the politics then deep suspect and the fundamental rethinking is required. This article is a scholarly work dedicated to examining the primary features of rational choice theory with respect to Lakatos research program and Laudans research tradition. The analysis in this article expose that the thin rationality assumption, the axiomatic method and the diminution to the micro level are the only features shared by all rational choice models. On these grounds, it is argued that rational choice theory cannot be exemplified as a research program. This is due to the fact that the thin rationality proposition cannot be understood as a hard core in Lakatos terms. It is argued that Laudans conception of a research tradition better differentiate rational choice theory. Rational choice theory or rational actor theory (RCT) is a common draw near in different fields of social logical research. Broadly speaking, RCT can be differentiating as the maturity of models based on the hypothesis of rational actors. In this article, the nature of RCT is evaluated in more detail. Green and Shapiro suggest that they believe RCT should become a more coherent research program with a hard core if Lakatos terms are used. An assessment of Herne and Setelas article reveals their motivation for conducting this research lies within the context of the actual role of rational choice theory in the political arena. Herne and Setela disagree with Green and Shapiros strategies and convey that the development of rational actor theory would only be hindered if it were based upon a particular definition of rationality. Scholarly Themes The article theme is based on Post hoc theory development and domain restrictions.post hoc theory development is not necessarily harmful, if conceptual clarity and testability are preserved. But on contrary, post hoc theory development can lead to innovative model building. Beside this the domain restriction is also not a goof strategy because it kills the innovative theory building by restricting the domain of application. Librarians at the Bounds of Rationality: How Bounded Rationality Can Help Us Help Others, by Samantha Schmehl Hines Hines, S. S. (2009). Librarians at the Bounds of Rationality: How Bounded Rationality Can Help Us Help Others.  Behavioral and Social Sciences Librarian,  28(3), 80-86. doi:10.1080/01639260903088927 Social Science theorist, Hebert Simon, claimed that Rational Choice Decision Making resulted in bounded rationality, a theory that explains how the rationality of decision making is limited based on the amount of information one may have. Simons theory is the topic in Samantha Schmehl Hiness article, Librarians at the Bounds of Rationality: How Bounded Rationality Can Help Us Help Others. Central Argument In this article, Hiness is clearly an advocate of bounded rationality describing it as a helpful concept used to identify and predict behavior with decision making. Hiness central argument focuses on how and why bounded rationality is beneficial in predicting human behavior. Summary of Work Hines uses the criticisms of Rational Choice Theory to build her argument that bounded rationality is a better mode of decision making. Bounded rationality is a perception used in the social sciences to help classify and predict how individuals make decisions. An offshoot of rational choice theory, bounded prudence accounts for the fact that completely rational decisions are not feasible in practice and states that individuals use heuristics, or rules based on past experiences and information, to make decisions. Bounded rationality can explain how our users create heuristic shortcuts to simplify the decision-making practice and deal with the multitude of choices and information available. This concept article will describe bounded rationality, apply bounded rationality to aspects of library service, and discuss the possible use of the concept as an assessment tool for our services. Hines uses librarians and their daily operations in an attempt to prove that Simons theory is helpful in two different realms of study: Social Sciences and Human Behavior. Hines explains that daily practices such as collection development and reference review are implicated in the decision making processes of our daily lives. Collection development and reviews of reference books, articles, journals etc are two elements of bounded rationality that draw attention to the resources individuals have at their clearance for making rational decisions. Hines argues that becoming aware of this progression will benefit the decision making process. Scholarly Themes The theme of this article is based on the idea that the individuals rationality is limited because of the available information, cognitive limitation of their minds and the limited time for decision making. So they use the techniques based on their experiences in past. Rational Decision Making in Business Organizations, by Herbert A. Simon Simon, H. A. (1979). Rational Decision Making in Business Organizations.  The American Economic Review,  69(4), 493-513. Retrieved April 8, 2010 Herbert Simon, a theorist who has analyzed Rational Choice Theory in multiple areas of study, seeks to examine the theory from an economical perspective in the article, Rational Decision Making in Business Organizations. Central Argument The central theme of this article is focused on the concern of the important colonial territory known as decision theory. Simon discusses the normative and descriptive aspects and its applications to business organizations linking his theories back to the core of the political economy. Summary of Work Simon states economics has focused on one aspect of mans decision making and that one focus had traditionally been his reason. Furthermore, Simon explains mans reason had typically been studied while making decisions in times of scarcity. Simon steps out of the traditional realm in his research viewing decision theory as not being limited to the domains of political science, psychology, and sociology. He explains that the classical model of rational choice calls for all the knowledge of alternatives that are open to choice. Simon explains, in compliance with most of his research on Rational Choice theory, the possession of complete knowledge is not rational or feasible. Simon uses the works of theorists such as Henry Schultz to provide examples in explaining the more refined aspects of studies conducted within the physical sciences. From a government policy making perspective, Simon reveals the eloquence of the body of descriptive theory (i.e. descriptive statistics) and how quantitative research has been beneficial to normative economics. Although Simon is clearly an advocate of his many of his colleagues equilibrium theories, he offers an explanation that some of the more refined parts of this study may not be completely beneficial in the real world. Simon says in his article that when we find the discrepancies between theory and data, we try to patch rather then to rebuild from the foundations. He argues that we have large quantity of descriptive data from field as well as laboratory. A number of theories have been formed to account for this data. But these theories are not coherent. In one way or other, these incorporate the notions of the bounded rationality. Bounded rationality means the need to search for decisions alternatives, the replacement of optimization by targets and satisficing goals and the mechanism of learning and adaptation. Scholarly Themes The theme of this article is one with something can not be defeated with nothing. You cannot neat a measure or a candidate by pointing his/her defects or inefficiencies. An alternative must has to be offered. Do Sunk Costs Matter, by R. Preston Mcafee and Hugo M. Mialon, and Sue H. Mialon Mcafee, R. P., Mialon, H. M., Mialon, S. H. (2007). Do Sunk Costs Matter?  Economic Inquiry,  48(2), 323-336. Retrieved April 8, 2010 Central Argument Authors R. Preston Mcafee, Hugo M. Mialon, and Sue H. Mialon present research examining how people make decisions specifically in the realm of sunk costs in the article Do Sunk Costs Matter; therefore, their research focuses on economics. Summary of Work In the summary to of this article the authors identify sunk costs as costs that have already been incurred and cannot be recovered. That sunk costs are not related to rational decision-making is often accessible as one of the basic principles of economics. When people are influenced by sunk costs in their decision-making, they are said to be commend the sunk cost fallacy. Contrary to conventional wisdom, we argue that, in a broad range of situations, it is rational for people to condition behavior on sunk costs, because of informational content, reputational concerns, or financial and time constriction. Once all the elements of the decision-making environment are taken into account, reacting to sunk costs can often be unstated as rational behavior. Another argument presented in this article is the idea that decisions based on future prospects, past decisions, scarce resources and infinite time, and reaction to past decisions and the sunk costs they have entailed, is often rational behavior. Scholarly Themes The theme of the article is when people engage in this type of behavior it is not rational and they commit a sunk cost fallacy. Sunk cost is the basic theme of this article in which the authors have discussed that the people might rationally invest more if they have invested more in the past, because it might convince that high past investments would lead towards the closer success. The reaction of people has been discusses for investments in regard to the sunk cost. Simons Revenge: or Incommensurability and Satisficing, by Michael Byron Byron, M. (2005). Simons revenge: or, incommensurability and satisficing.  Analysis,  65(4), 311-315. Retrieved April 9, 2010 Central Argument Michael Byrons article, Simons Revenge: or Incommensurability and Satisficing, is another analysis of the Rational Choice Theory based on Herbert Simons criticisms of the theory. Byron provides a discussion focused on Simons solution to the Rational Choice Model of Decision Making. The central theme of Byrons article is about Simons coined term, Satisficing, and its potential in serving as an alternative model to Rational Choice Theory. Summary of Work Byron explains that Simon thought for large-scale decisions, the deluge of relevant information and uncertainties overload the cognitive capacity of managers to process it. Managers strive for rationality; therefore, they tend to be rational. However, Byron uses Simons argument to strengthen his research by explaining cognitive limits, uncertainties, and time limits cause decisions to be made under conditions of bounded rationality. They do not maximize in accordance with rationality assumptions instead they satisfice. To paraphrase Bryons argument, satisficing is a term meaning what we do when we make the best of what we can. This is the reality of decision making. Satisfice is the combination of two words: satisfy and suffice. Byron explains Simons alternative model of satisficing does not require maximization such as Rational Choice Model. Simon saw maximizing had failed; therefore, his revenge, or model of satisficing, was designed to garner success outcomes descriptively. Byron argues Simon designed this alternative model by making it cognitive demands nominal, simplified its value function, and completely eliminated the probabilities of the model. Scholarly Themes The idea of this article is Satisficing. Managers try to be rational but due to limitations they have to be bound rational in their decision making to provide satisficing decision and alternatives. A Behavioral Approach to the Rational Choice Theory of Collective Action, by Elinor Ostrom Elinor Ostrom.   (1998). A behavioral approach to the rational choice theory of collective action presidential address, American Political Science Association, 1997.  The American Political Science Review,  92(1),  1-22.   Retrieved April 9, 2010, from ABI/INFORM Global. (Document ID:  26931044). Elinor Ostroms article, A Behavioral Approach to the Rational Choice Theory of Collective Action, is presented in Chapter 16 of Michael Dean McGinniss book entitled Polycentric Games and Institutions: Readings from the Workshop in Political Theory and Policy Analysis. Central Argument Ostroms research regarding the Rational Choice Theory and decision making is based on her argument that the theory is effective if expanded into a behavioral model of collective action when making decisions in times of social dilemma. This is the central argument of her research. Summary of Work Ostrom explains that Rational Choice Theory assumes that humans are self-interested, maximizers. Her research argues that Rational Choice has been successful in predicting marginal behavior in competitive decision making but when it comes to using this theory to predict decisions that are made during social dilemmas it has proved to be ineffective. Extensive empirical evidence and theoretical events causing change in multiple disciplines motivate a need to develop the range of rational choice models to be used as an establishment for the study of social dilemmas and cooperative action. After an introduction to the problem of triumph over social dilemmas through collective action, the leftovers of this article is divided into six sections which include theoretical predictions of currently accepted rational choice theory related to social dilemmas, challenges to the sole reliance, empirical findings that begin to show how individuals achieve results that are better than rational, the possibility of developing second-generation models of rationality, an initial theoretical scenario, implications of placing reciprocity, reputation, and trust at the core of an empirically tested, behavioral theory of collective action. The implications of developing second-generation models of empirically grounded, bloodedly rational, and moral decision making are substantial. New research questions will open up. We need to expand the type of research methods regularly used in political science. We need to increase the level of understanding among those engaged in formal theory, experimental research, and field research across the social and biological sciences. Scholarly Theme The main themes of the article are rational choice models, empirical evidences and theoretical development. The mentioned themes can be used to expand the variety of the rational choice models so that the study of the social dilemma and collective action can be carried out. To vote or not to vote: the merits and limits of rational choice theory, by Andre Blais Blais, Andre. To vote or not to vote: the merits and limits of rational choice theory. 2000. USA: University of Pittsburg Press. Central Argument Voter turnout and our reasons for voting have been exhaustively examined in the literature; however, Blais expresses his dissatisfaction of what has been presented in the literature about voting. The central theme of Blaiss research is whether or not the decision to vote or abstain from voting evolves from a rational choice perspective. Summary of Work Blais strengthens his argument by pointing out that rational choice authors have admitted a problem with exist voting and rational choice perspective because voting is a paradox of irrational response. Blais concludes his argument, after two solid years dedicated to this topic, with the view that the Rational Choice Theory does make a real contribution to understanding of why people vote but the contribution is quite limited. Blais uses Green and Shapiros infamous critique of the Rational Choice Theory to compare his verdict of the actual role Rational Choice plays in ones decision to vote. Green and Shapiros research blatantly stated the Rational Choice Model had failed to contribute any advancement of the empirical study of politics. Blaiss verdict is not as harsh and contrary to his colleagues findings. Blais uses a strong example to prove his point stating that motivations that make people vote, such as civic duty, are far from Rational Choice that claims people are self-interested. In Blais comparative analysis of his verdict to Green and Sahapiros, he stresses that political science offers many reasons to not vote. The fact that people still make the decision to vote is irrational. After Blaiss research, he candidly reveals that he cannot make sense of why people vote without taking the Rational Choice Model into consideration. Since most citizens vote despite even when it is not in their best perso nal interests to do so is a fascination that only Rational Choice Theory can explain. Scholarly Themes In the book, the author is focusing on the reasons for the choice for casting the vote. Voting and rational choice theory are interlinked and only this theory can explain it. CONCLUSION The 10 articles examined for the purposes of conducting a miniature literature review of Rational Choice Theory clearly indicates that this theory is of the most powerful in the field of social sciences, especially political science. An immovable effort was made to garner research that presented different perspectives about the effectiveness and feasibility of Rational Choice Theory. Rational Choice Theory has been criticized for being unrealistic. In decision making, Rational Choice is thought to be too time consuming, too costly, and too strict. The literature has criticized the theory for not taking human intuitive behavior into consideration. Furthermore, many theorists and researchers are not satisfied with Rational Choice Theory because it neglects empirical research. On the other hand, many theorists believe in Rational Choice Theory to explain things such as voting phenomenon. People vote inspire of the fact it may not be in their personal best interests. Some theorists believe only Rational Choice Theory can explain and predict this type of behavior. Other theorists believe the theory can be strengthened through incorporation of behavioral models. Overall, Rational Choice Theory has been approached with skepticism by theorists. The theorys validity and reliability has been questioned because of its lackadaisical approach to include empirical research. This argument seems to be the central theme of a vast majority of the research on Rational Choice Models. Theorists wonder what Rational Choice should do when empirical anomalies arise. Although there are many critiques for Rational Choice Theory, but still it is helpful in many fields such as to understand the rational of voting, in business organization etc.

Joseph Andrews Characters

Joseph Andrews A handsome and virtuous young footman whom Lady Booby attempts to corrupt. He is a protege of Mr. Adams and the devoted but chaste lover of Fanny Goodwill. His adventures in journeying from the Booby household in London back to the countryside, where he plans to marry Fanny, provide the main plot of the novel. Mr. Abraham Adams A benevolent, absent-minded, impecunious, and somewhat vain curate in Lady Booby’s country parish. He notices and cultivates Joseph’s intelligence and moral earnestness from early on, and he supports Joseph’s determination to marry Fanny.His journey back to the countryside coincides with Joseph’s for much of the way, and the vibrancy of his simple good nature makes him a rival of Joseph for the title of protagonist. Fanny Goodwill The beautiful but reserved beloved of Joseph, a milkmaid, believed to be an orphan. She endures many unsuccessful sexual assaults. Sir Thomas Booby The recently deceased master of Joseph and patron of Mr. Adams. Other characters’ reminiscences portray him as decent but not heroically virtuous; he once promised Mr.Adams a clerical living in return for Adams’s help in electing Sir Thomas to parliament, but he then allowed his wife to talk him out of it. Lady Booby Sir Thomas’s widow, whose grieving process involves playing cards and propositioning servants. She is powerfully attracted to Joseph, her footman, but finds this attraction degrading and is humiliated by his rejections. She exemplifies the traditional flaws of the upper class, namely snobbery, egotism, and lack of restraint, and she is prone to drastic mood swings. Mrs. SlipslopA hideous and sexually voracious upper servant in the Booby household. Like her mistress, she lusts after Joseph. Peter Pounce Lady Booby’s miserly steward, who lends money to other servants at steep interest and gives himself airs as a member of the upwardly striving new capitalist class. Mr. Booby The nephew of Sir Thomas. Fielding has adapted this character from the â€Å"Mr. B. † of Samuel Richardson’s  Pamela; like Richardson’s character, Mr. Booby is a rather snobbish squire who marries his servant girl, Pamela Andrews. Pamela AndrewsJoseph’s virtuous and beautiful sister, from whom he derives inspiration for his resistance to Lady Booby’s sexual advances. Pamela, too, is a servant in the household of a predatory Booby, though she eventually marries her lascivious master. Fielding has adapted this character from the heroine of Samuel Richardson’s  Pamela. Mr. Andrews The father of Pamela and, ostensibly, Joseph. Mrs. Andrews The mother of Pamela and, ostensibly, Joseph. Two Ruffians Highwaymen who beat, rob, and strip Joseph on the first night of his journey. PostilionLends Joseph his greatcoat when Joseph is naked following the attack by the Ruffians. Mr. Tow-wouse The master of the inn where Joseph boards after being attacked by the R uffians. He intends to lend Joseph one of his own shirts, but his stingy wife prevents him. Later he is discovered in bed with Betty the chambermaid. Mrs. Tow-wouse The frugal, nagging wife of Mr. Tow-wouse. Betty A chambermaid in the inn of Mr. and Mrs. Tow-wouse. Her initial care of Joseph bespeaks her basic good nature, but she is also lustful, and her association with him ends badly.Mr. Barnabas A clergyman who never passes up a drink and halfheartedly attends Joseph during his recovery from the attack by the Ruffians. Surgeon Belatedly addresses the injuries Joseph sustained during his attack by the Ruffians. Bookseller A friend of Mr. Barnabas, declines to represent Mr. Adams, author of several volumes of sermons, in the London book trade. Tom Suckbribe The Constable who fails to guard an imprisoned Ruffian and may have some financial incentive for failing in this office. LeonoraThe reclusive inhabitant of a grand house along the stage-coach route, a shallow woman who once jil ted the hard-working Horatio for the frivolous Bellarmine and then was jilted in turn. Horatio An industrious lawyer who intended to marry Leonora but lost her to the wealthy and flamboyant Bellarmine. Bellarmine A Frenchified cavalier who values Leonora’s beauty enough to steal her away from Horatio but who finally rejects her when her father refuses to supply a dowry. Leonora's Father A miserly old gentleman who refuses to bestow any money on his daughter during his life and thereby causes her to lose Bellarmine as a suitor.Leonora's Aunt Leonora’s chaperone during the period of her courtship by Horatio and then Bellarmine; encourages Leonora to pursue her financial self-interest in choosing a mate. Mrs. Grave-airs A snobbish stage-coach passenger who objects to traveling with the footman Joseph but turns out to be the daughter of a man who was once a lower servant. Sportsman Encounters Mr. Adams while out shooting one night; extolls bravery when conversing with Adam s but flees the scene when the cries of a distressed woman are heard. The JusticeA local magistrate who does not take his responsibilities very seriously. He handles the case of Mr. Adams and Fanny when Fanny’s attacker accuses them of having beaten and robbed him. Mr. Wilson A gentleman who, after a turbulent youth, has retired to the country with his wife and children and lives a life of virtue and simplicity. His eldest son, who turns out to have been Joseph, was stolen by gypsies as a child. Mrs. Wilson The wife of Wilson. She once redeemed him from debtor’s prison, having been the object of his undeclared love for some time. PedlarAn apparent instrument of providence who pays one of Mr. Adams’s many inn bills, rescues Mr. Adams’s drowning son, and figures out the respective parentages of both Joseph and Fanny. Mrs. Adams The wife of Mr. Adams and mother of his six children, prone to nagging but also appreciative of her husband’s loving nature. Parson Trulliber An entrepreneurial and greedy clergyman, more dedicated to hog farming than to the care of souls, who refuses to lend Mr. Adams money for his inn bill. Mrs. Trulliber The downtrodden wife of Parson Trulliber. Hunter of MenAn eccentric and rather sadistic country gentleman who sets his hunting dogs on Mr. Adams, allows his friends to play cruel jokes on him, and attempts to abduct Fanny. Captain One of the Squire’s friends, abducts Fanny on the Squire’s orders but is himself taken prisoner by servants of Lady Booby. Player One of the Squire’s friends, a failed actor who pursues Fanny on the Squire’s orders but flees when the Captain is taken prisoner. Poet One of the Squire’s friends, a failed playwright who pursues Fanny on the Squire’s orders but flees when the Captain is taken prisoner.Quack-Doctor One of the Squire’s friends; comes up with a Socratic practical joke that exploits Mr. Adams’s pedantry. Priest Discourses on the vanity of riches before asking Mr. Adams for money to pay his inn bill. Lawyer Scout Tells Mr. Adams that Joseph has worked long enough to gain a settlement in Lady Booby’s parish, but then becomes a willing accomplice in Lady Booby’s attempt to expel Joseph and Fanny. Justice Frolick The local magistrate who cooperates with Lady Booby’s attempt to expel Joseph and Fanny from her parish.Beau Didapper A guest of Lady Booby’s, lusts after Fanny and makes several unsuccessful attempts on her. Pimp A servant of Beau Didapper’s, attempts to persuade Fanny to accept his master’s advances and then makes a few attempts on his own behalf. Dick Adams A son of Mr. and Mrs. Adams, nearly drowns in a river but is rescued by the Pedlar. He then reads the story of Leonard and Paul to his parents’ guests. Leonard A married man who argues frequently with his wife while entertaining his friend Paul in their home.Like his wife, he eve ntually accepts Paul’s advice always to yield in disputes, even and especially when he knows himself to be right. Leonard's Wife The wife of Leonard, with whom she argues frequently while they are entertaining his friend Paul in their home. Like her husband, she eventually accepts Paul’s advice always to yield in disputes, even and especially when she knows herself to be right. Paul Leonard’s friend, separately advises both Leonard and Leonard’s wife to adhere to the â€Å"Doctrine of Submission. †

German History & Politics Essay

The prosperous years between 1924 and 1929 are usually considered to have been the most affluent and stable in the history of the Weimar Republic. Certainly there were no major attempts at revolutionary change and the economy and culture seemed to recover steadily after the hyperinflation of 1921-23. Beginning from 1924 there were no further attempts to overthrow the Republic to compare with the Spartacist uprising (1919), the Kapp Putsch (1920) and the Munich Putsch (1923). The political life of the parties hostile to the Republic seemed to be in decline, both on the left and on the right. This can certainly be seen as statistical confirmation of political and cultural stability. The period between 1924 and 1929 in Weimar Republic is usually seen as an interlude of social change between the more repressive periods of the Second and Third Reichs. The Weimar Republic in this period had the most explicit statement of civil rights ever produced in a constitutional document. Germans were guaranteed ‘equality before the law’ (Article 109) and ‘liberty of travel and residence’ (Article 111). Their ‘personal liberty’ was ‘inviolable’ (Article 114), while ‘the house of every German’ was ‘his sanctuary’ (Article 115). In addition, each individual had ‘the right†¦ to express his opinion freely by word, in writing, in print, in picture form, or in any other way’ (Article 118): indeed, censorship was ‘forbidden’ (Article 142) (Eyck 10). The Weimar Republic produced probably the most advanced welfare state in the western world. In the following this paper will discuss the culture and politics in the prosperous years of the Weimar Republic. Weimar Germany’s Modernist Political Project: Theory and Practice The project of establishing a pluralist consensus in the Weimar Republic could confront its supporters and detractors alike with parliamentary deadlock and coalition politics, on the one hand, and with violent extra-parliamentary struggles, on the other (Kaufmann 90). The new democratic structures which made contestation possible were established in the constitution. The values and principles it enshrined show that the decision to convene in Weimar was not simply dictated by a need to get away from the upheavals in Berlin (Kaufmann 29). The choice of the former residence of German culture’s two greatest sons, Goethe and Schiller, reflected a desire amongst the designers of the constitution that the new Republic should turn its back on Germany’s nationalist and authoritarian past and promote instead the cosmopolitan universalist values of Humanitat and Bildung. With its emphasis on personal freedom, equality before the law, the right to assembly, freedom of thought, and the right to form political parties and independent trade unions, the Weimar constitution embodied a central concern of modernism, the desire for greater equality and emancipation. Above all it was intended to produce a society based on tolerance, mutual respect, openness, and democracy, where the social, political, and economic conditions that had given rise to the carnage of the First World War would be banished once and for all. In practice, however, various negative factors were to prevent a genuine democratization of German society. Foremost amongst these was the crippling task of reorganizing an economy not only devastated by four years of war, but also forced to meet the massive reparations payments that had been imposed by the Allies. Analysing the ‘Psychology of Nazism’, Fromm noted that Hitler was well aware of the Germans’ difficulties in embracing a more open society that required active participation in the body politic (Kaufmann 134). Faced with the disorientating complexity of pluralism and its apparent inability to guarantee economic security, many frustrated and resentful Germans ultimately opted for the certainty of totalitarianism (Lee 13). This ‘fear of freedom’ was not, however, typical of all sections of the population. Non-aligned leftists and liberals in the cultural sphere wholeheartedly embraced, and actively worked to extend, the new freedoms offered by the constitution. It was their commitment to democracy which provided one of the main motivating forces behind Weimar culture. But one of the tragedies of that culture was that it never gained acceptance by certain significant social classes. Weimar Culture: The Birth of Modernism In the course of the nineteenth century a consciousness emerged which reduced the Modern to a mere resistance to the past and its legacy. At this point the optimism of an eighteenth-century understanding of modernity was already in decline in the Weimar Republic. Enlightenment thinkers expected the arts and sciences to harness the forces of nature, to give meaning to the world, to promote moral progress and social justice, and ultimately to guarantee human happiness. Horkheimer and Adorno traced out the way in which this positive project for human and social development had been hijacked by the instrumental rationality of capitalism (Lee 59). What had been progressive had become, in the growth of the culture industry, exploitative. The transformation of cultural production occurred as a result of crucial social, technical, political, and artistic developments between the world wars. In the 1924-29 there are still remnants of the old project of a liberated humanity. It is precisely that active relation between the social and the aesthetic which characterized so many cultural projects in the Weimar years, from the Bauhaus to popular illustrated papers, and from the documentary theatre to Dadaist montages. What was progressive in Weimar culture was informed by aspirations derived from a basic tenet of modernism. That is the belief that technological change could effect a positive transformation of the environment and an improvement of the human condition. Introducing a new edition of his essays from the 1924-29s, Ernst Bloch recalled in 1962 that the famous Golden Twenties were a time of transition. Extremists on both left and right saw the first German democracy not as an end in itself, but the incidental means by which a new Germany was to be created. A look back to the Weimar years from the post-war period, across the gulf of the Third Reich, confirms their reputation for cultural vitality and innovation. The extent of this sea change in the nature of German culture is demonstrated by Thomas Mann 1928 essay ‘Kultur und Sozialismus’ (Hans 9). Here the erstwhile champion of the automony of art acknowledges that Kultur and politics were no longer mutually exclusive spheres. Mass audiences for mass circulation media could scarcely be encompassed by traditional patrician or elitist ways of understanding what a culture was. What Mann calls the ‘socialist class’ (for so long held in deep suspicion by the educated middle class) is entrusted by him with no less a task than preserving the traditional heart of German self-understanding in the new democratic future. Systematically blurring the lines between political discourse and cultural activity, Mann asserts the need for Geist (‘the inwardly realized state of knowledge achieved already and in fact by the summit of humanity’) to become manifest in the material world of legislation, constitutionality, and European coexistence (Lee 29). However, some of the most striking developments in the political appropriation and use of culture were promoted by political parties in the context of the working-class movement. The Social Democratic Party (SPD) had traditionally viewed culture with suspicion, as essentially middle-class in origin and intent, and therefore inappropriate to the purposes of the working-class struggle (Kolb 78). At most the Social Democratic promotion of a proletarian lay theatre had an educational aim which survived into Brecht’s conception of the didactic play ( Lehrstuck). Nevertheless, before the war a number of organizations connected with the SPD promoted sport and gymnastics, choral singing, and even tourism – as well as amateur dramatics. After the successes of the working class and the increasing confidence they brought, there was a growing sense among socialists. The middle years of the Republic saw a great blossoming of organizations, supported by the Communist Party and the Social Democratic Party, providing for workers’ leisure, education, and practical training in various cultural skills: Proletarian FreeThinkers, Nudists’ Clubs, Worker Speech Choirs and Dance Groups, Worker Photographers (whose pictures were used by John Heartfield), Radio Clubs, and Film-Makers (Lee 46). Enormous numbers were actively involved in these organizations. Almost half a million people sang in workers’ choral societies in the Weimar Republic. The performances of works for speech choir (involving a kind of collective dramatic speech) were often conceived on an epic scale as the climax of festivals and celebrations laid on by the parties of the left and the trade unions. Apart from a few texts by Ernst Toller and Bruno Schonlank, few of these organizations left behind accessible artefacts, but the movement associated with the Communist Party that promoted proletarian writing of various kinds exemplified the issues of aesthetic intention involved. The KPD, as part of its effort to establish a basis of mass membership, developed factory cells and with them factory newspapers. To these publications ‘worker correspondents’ were encouraged to contribute accounts of their day-to-day experience in the workplace. Their ranks eventually contributed important members to the BPRS ( League of Proletarian Revolutionary Writers, founded in 1928): Willi Bredel, Erich Grunberg, Hans Marchwitza, and Ernst Ottwalt. Developing a highly simplified form of naive realism, works such as Bredel Maschinenfabrik N & K (1930) reflect the increasing material impoverishment of the working class and its organization as a movement. The representation of class divisions was not the exclusive territory of the proletarian authors; similar trends were clear in writers as different as Fallada (in Kleiner Mann, was nun? , for instance) and Arnold Zweig, in his epic war novel Der Streit um den Sergeanten Grischa ( 1927). What was striking about the specifically proletarian novel was its tight focus on its own class interests. Here working-class experience was isolated in a functional and instructive narrative. Other authors developed the accounts of first-hand experience provided by the worker correspondents to create critical reportage addressing the class-based nature of Weimar institutions, such as Ernst Ottwalt’s ironically titled ‘factual novel’ on the legal system Denn sie wissen, was sie tun ( 1931) or Ludwig Turek’s autobiographical Ein Prolet erzahlt ( 1930). Yet both of these forms of proletarian writing eventually attracted the ferocious criticism of Georg Lukacs, the most influential cultural theorist of the Communist Party (Lee 78). Modernism and its Malcontents The simmering resentment in conservative circles against Weimar modernism and the cultural degeneracy it allegedly encouraged came to a head in a protracted and heated Reichstag debate in 1926 on a motion, proposed by the German National People’s Party, which sought to ban ‘trash’ and ‘filth’ from publication, performance, or screening (Haarmann 89). For members of the Catholic Centre Party and their allies further to the right economic prosperity had produced a dangerous development towards ‘economic individualism and Mammon’. It threatened to destroy the classical and religious foundations of German culture. Offering a fascinating mixture of conservative and progressive ideas the Catholic deputy Georg Schreiber called for a campaign against the profit motive in culture and a struggle for the ‘soul’ of the German worker. He proclaimed that the restoration of German national dignity could not be achieved by politics and economics alone. The conservatives’ mission was to reassert the best traditions of Germany’s cultural heritage by stemming the influx of alien cosmopolitanism which, they lamented, was engulfing Germany in a tide of commercialism. Their fears were underlined in more extreme fashion by the Nationalists, who railed against the ‘excesses of destructive sensual pleasure’ and the worship of ‘the body, nudity, and lasciviousness’. Germany, they proclaimed, was faced with nothing less than a moral decline of Roman proportions. At the other end of the political spectrum, the Communists lambasted the proposal as a thinly disguised attempt to increase state control over art, designed to impose bourgeois standards of morality on newly emerging proletarian culture. Citing the effective banning of Eisenstein Battleship Potemkin by local censorship boards in Wurttemberg, they pointed out that regional governments had already made use of legal powers that were designed to preserve moral decency in order to ban politically unacceptable works of art. Opposition to the proposal also came from the Social Democrats, who feared that the absolute freedom of art was being jeopardized by concessions to petty-bourgeois philistinism. Eduard David, in a speech on the day in December 1926 when the proposal was passed by a majority of 92 votes, expressed particular concern that the decision to devolve decisions on censorship to regional testing commissions (Landesprukfstellen) meant a return to the pre-unification spirit of petty provincialism ( Kleinstaaterei), and therefore a threat to the cultural integrity of the Republic. Thus he saw 3 December 1926 as a black day for German culture. Appealing in vain to the traditions of cultural liberalism in the Centre and Democratic Parties, he proclaimed that the freedom of art was a cornerstone of the constitution and that any form of censorship was an attack on the very foundations of the Republic (Haarmann 35). The parliamentary debate was merely a prelude to an even more lively public dispute. Groups of prominent members of the nonaligned left, proclaiming the sanctity of spiritual freedom, lined up against a rag-bag of ultra-conservative and nationalist organizations, such as the German Women’s League against Degeneracy in the Life of the German People, the Richard Wagner Society, and the German National Teachers’ League (Lee 78). All they zealously followed the call to organize against the alleged corruption of the German spirit that they saw as endemic in the new Weimar culture. The panoply of works banned by some of the new regional censorship committees was very broad indeed. That it included not only popular French magazines with fascinating titles such as Paris Flirt, Frivolites, Paris Plaisirs, and Eros, but also Soviet films and Brecht’s debut play Baal merely confirmed the worst fears of those opposed to the legislation (Haarmann 45). The debate on trash and filth, coming as it did in the mid- 1920s, when the distinctively new cosmopolitan, commercialist character of Weimar culture was becoming increasingly apparent, provided telling evidence of the extent to which culture remained a burning political issue. Many who supported the legislation did so out of a conviction that the Republic’s claim to be the legitimate home of Germany’s classical cultural heritage was a hollow one. In their estimation the reality was tasteless commercialization and a total loss of standards.

Angry People s Movements And The Structuring Of Protest

Yes, major social or economic dislocation is necessary for protest to erupt. In fact, in â€Å"Poor People’s Movements and the Structuring of Protest,† Pivon and Cloward make the claim that for the occasion for protest to arise amongst the poor there has to be a change in consciousness or behavior that breaks political norms because otherwise the notion of protests is not available to them. They assert, â€Å"First, ‘the system’— or those aspects of the system that people experience and perceive— loses legitimacy† and â€Å"Second, people†¦begin to assert â€Å"rights† that imply demands for change† (Pivon Cloward 381). However, this change in consciousness and behavior that leads to protests and collective action cannot occur until social or economic†¦show more content†¦In general, I believe that protests and a higher level of consciousness in the lower and middle class have been on the rise for a very lon g time. Now it has become a part of our culture, where people are outraged and take collective action online and in the streets. Although I agree that there is usually a singular event or instance that sparks the consequent series of protests, it is naà ¯ve to think that there aren’t already individuals fighting for or against a cause related to that event. Maybe on a grand scale social or economic dislocation certainly does lead to mass consciousness and therefore protests but that does not negate the fact that they may have already been happening on a smaller scale. What is meant by having an eruption of protests is that the political climate suddenly became so adverse due to a specific event or occurrences that it allowed for civilians to finally express their qualms with society through protest. When civilians are subject to certain injustices it takes many factors for them to finally decide to stand up to their authorities, often the government, and make demands for better treatment or resources through changes in laws and policies. In Goodwin and Jasper’s Social Movements Reader, it mentions that theorists believe that individuals often join movements when they feel alienated from the world around them orShow MoreRelatedSocial Media And Its Impact On Society Essay1718 Words   |  7 PagesMost people in today s society are familiar with the term Black Lives Matter. From magazine articles, to social media websites, classrooms, boardrooms, grocery stores and the like, Black Lives Matter is an issue that in recent years has refused to b e shoved into closets waiting in hiding. It is an issue that has risen in prominence accompanied by angry marginalized people who continue to seek justice and solace. 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